Washington Assumes Command of the Virginia Forces, Part Two




In April of 1757 the assembly raised the bounty for the scalp of hostile male Indians over the age of twelve from £10 to £15.143 In late 1758, preceding the impending assault on Fort Duquesne, the assembly raised the premium on scalps to £30, as an inducement for more aid from the Indians.144

Washington and the British occasionally employed Indians in espionage missions. In the spring of 1758 a group of Indians, led by Christopher Gist, discovered that Fort Duquesne was at that time sparsely manned, and that an Indian encampment was just outside of it.145 The Indians were also used for supplementary military work. When Bouquet desired Washington to open a road to Raystown, Pennsylvania, he ordered William Byrd's Cherokees to flank Washington and his troops while they performed this duty.146 Since it was often difficult for the soldiers to discern between "friendly" and "unfriendly" Indians, Washington ordered his men to recognize as friends only those Indians carrying distinguishing marks.147

In spite of the fact that Washington held the military abilities of the Indians in very high regard, their habit of leaving English service if they were not quickly employed in combat frustrated him. Washington had learned that the Indians did not like to wait long for battle. He wrote that the Indians, "... knowing their jealous suspicious natures, are apt to entertain doubts of the least delay, and a suspension of rewards causes a dissatisfaction and murmuring among them, which might be productive of bad events...."148 In early 1757 Washington explained to Loudoun that it was British inactivity that caused the Indians to go to the French.149 Washington told John St. Clair that he feared "many of [the Indians], especially the young Men, will return home if the Troops are long assembling; and this not proceed from any dissatisfaction they may take, but from the Nature of the People."150

Washington once commented to Colonel John Stanwix that the Catawbas were virtually useless, and although there were seventy or eighty Cherokee present, Washington expected that they would soon leave.151 By the end of the war, Washington believed that "If Indians ever can be usefully employd it must be in getting Intelligence to Our Front, I therefore beg you [General Forbes] will Order their Conductors (or Managers) to bring them all at all Events...."152

The other important factor which formed Washington's opinion of Indians was the French Indians' attacks on the frontier. Washington was often appalled and extremely angered at the incessant attacks by Indians upon the frontier settlements. He was of course not the only person to share this feeling. Speaker of the House of Burgesses John Robinson wrote to Washington, "I and every Body else, must agree with you, that the acting offensively is the only method of doing it [stopping Indian attacks on the frontier], and of the Impossibility of guarding against the Wolfish cunning of the Savages by keeping the Men in Forts and Garrisons...."153 Robinson was seconded by many of Washington's contemporaries. Early in the war, Lt. Colonel Thomas Gage wrote to Washington, expressing concern about the "merciless Barbarians," who have "ravaged" the frontier. He stated that he was deeply concerned over the settlers, and waited for the day when he would "hear they [the Indians] had met with the Fate their Villanys deserve, & which I hope they will sooner or later meet with."154

The British and Washington were unable to stop the frontier attacks. Washington, as one Indian attack followed another, became increasingly hostile to the Indians. Washington wrote, in some exasperation, "No troops in the universe can guard against the cunning and wiles of Indians. No one can tell where they will fall 'till the mischief is done, and then 'tis vain to pursue."155 He commented to Christopher Gist, "I doubt not but you have heard of the Ravages committed by our inhuman Foes, on the back inhabitants; I am now upon my march against them, with full hopes, that I shall be able to get Satisfaction for their cruel Barbarities."156 In a dramatic statement, he declared, "The supplicating tears of the women; and moving petitions of the men, melt me into such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind - I could offer myself a willing Sacrifice to the butchering Enemy, provided that would contribute to the peoples ease."157 Soon after this, he warned Dinwiddie that if some Indian allies were not soon found, "there will not be a living creature left in Frederick -County: and how soon Fairfax and Prince William may share its fate, is easily conceived, if we only consider a cruel blood-thirsty Enemy, Conquerors! already possessed of the finest part of Virginia: plenteously filled with all kinds of Provision: pursuing a people filled with fear and consternation, at the inhuman murders of these barbarous Savages!"158

Washington was often frustrated at how the Indians could seemingly do whatever they pleased against British forces. Washington had learned that he could not trust the loyalty of the Indians. He advised that Captain John McNeil conduct a group of Catawbas home, and he suggested that an officer go with them to help convince some of them to return to British service in the spring as he did not trust "... their unmeaning promises and capricious Humours...."159 Dinwiddie told Washington to keep the Cherokees which were with Washington "employ'd in Scouting, if Idle they will be thinking of Home."160

If he could not have Indians, Washington would at least prefer to have his soldiers fight as Indians. Early in the war Dinwiddie ordered Washington to train his men in the Indian manner of fighting.161 Washington was extremely happy to do so.162

Fortunately, the fears that Washington expressed about a French and Indian takeover of Virginia were never realized. In 1758 the French surrendered Fort Duquesne, which virtually removed the Indian threat from the Virginia frontier. Immediately after the the ultimate capture of the Fort (which the French had burned and abandoned, much to Washington¹s disappointment), Washington began to tell his superiors how he thought the British should deal with the Indians. While his personal opinion of the Indians remained one of disdain, he recommended to his superiors that the Indians be treated fairly. Washington's experiences in the forest had slightly softened some of his parochial attitudes.163 He explained his views to the newly arrived governor, Francis Fauquier:


The Delawares are suing for Peace, and I doubt not that other Tribes on the Ohio will follow their Example. A Trade free, open and upon equitable terms, is what they seem much to stickle for; and I do not know so effectual a way of rivetting them to our interest, as sending out Goods immediately to this place [Fort Duquesne] for that purpose....164


Washington was very adamant in this opinion. He later wrote to Fauquier:


That a Trade with the Indians should be upon such terms, and transacted by men of such Principles as would at the same time turn out to the reciprocal advantage of the Colony and the Indians; and which would effectually remove those bad impressions that the Indians received from the conduct of rascally Fellows divested of all faith and honor: and give us such an early opportunity of establishing an Interest with them as would be productive of the most beneficial consequences - by getting a large share of the Fur-Trade, not only of the Ohio indians, but, in time, of the numerous nations possessing the backs countries westward of it: and to prevent this advantageous commerce from suffering in its infancy by the sinister views of designing, selfish men, of the different Provinces - I humbly conceive it absolutely necessary, that Commissioners from each of the colonies be appointed, to regulate the mode of that Trade, and fix it on such a basis that, all the attempts of one Colony undermining another and thereby weakening and diminishing the general system, might be frustrated.165


Washington knew the power the Indians wielded in the forest, and felt the best way to attain the goal of a "Pax Britannica" in the forest was to deal fairly with the Indians.

Being forced into near supplication to the Indians in order to secure the military aid the British needed was to forever shade Washington's opinions of Indians. Washington was able to form personal relationships with certain individual Indians, and greatly admired their military skills. Nevertheless, the frequent and vicious Indian attacks on the frontier settlers whom Washington was sent to protect colored his views of the Indians. Washington also was vexed at their unremitting requests for presents, especially since he rarely had enough gifts to give them. When he was directly involved with the natives during the war, Washington described them as "wretches," "mercenary," "savages" and other similar invectives. Interestingly, when Washington left the frontier, he adopted a much gentler view of the Indians and advocated fairness to them. It appears that Washington was able to think more charitably about the Indians in times of peace. Still, except for their military prowess, he never came to think of Indians as equals of the Europeans.



Notes


80 Lewis, 194.

81 Commission and Instructions to George Washington from Robert Dinwiddie, Aug. 14, 1755, Abbot, II, 4, 6.

82 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, April 7, 1756, Abbot, II, 333-334.

83 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, Sept. 8, 1756, Abbot, III, 397.

84 George Washington to John Stanwix, June 28, 1757, Abbot, IV, 269.

85 Merrell, 150-151.

86 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, May 30, 1757, Abbot, IV, 172-173.

87 Merrell, 122-123.

88 Ibid., 139.

89 George Washington to Henry Bouquet, Aug. 24, 1758, Abbot, V, 417.

90 George Washington to Francis Fauquier, Sept. 2, 1758, Abbot, V,492.

91 Koontz, 312.

92 George Washington to William Fairfax, August 11, 1754, Abbot, I, 187.

93 George Washington to Joshua Fry, May, 23, 1754, Abbot, I, 101.

94 George Washington to John Robinson, Nov. 9, 1756, Abbot, IV, 17-18.

95 George Washington to Christopher Gist, Oct. 11, 1755, Abbot, II, 125.

96 Robert Dinwiddie to the Lords of Trade, Oct. 25, 1754, Brock, I, 364.

97 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, Aug. 19, 1756, Abbot, III, 360-361.

98 George Washington to Adam Stephen, Nov. 18, 1755, Abbot, II, 172.

99 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, Apr. 15, 1756, Abbot, II, 356.

100 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, Dec. 10, 1756, Abbot, IV, 51-52.

101 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, Jan. 26, 1757, Abbot, IV, 104.

102 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, July 13, 1757, Abbot, IV, 304-305.

103 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, March 17, 1754, Abbot, I, 72.

104 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, Sept. 8, 1756, Abbot, III, 397.

105 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, May 24, 1757, Abbot IV, 163.

106 Undated 1754 message of Robert Dinwiddie to Monacatoocha, Brock, I, 57.

107 Robert Dinwiddie to the Headmen, and Women of the Catawbas, Apr. 19, 1754, Brock, I, 131-131.

108 Robert Dinwiddie to the Half-King, June 2, 1754, Brock, I, 188.

109 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, April 15, 1756, Abbot, II, 356.

110 Koontz, 312.

111 George Washington's answer to the Tanacharisson's speech of April 18, 1754, April 23, 1754, Jackson, I, 183.

112 George Washington's speech to the Tuscarora Indians, Aug. 1, 1756, Abbot, III, 308.

113 George Washington's speech to the Cherokee Indians, Oct., 1757, Abbot, V, 28.

114 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, Sept. 8, 1754, Abbot, III, 398.

115 George Washington to John Stanwix, April 10, 1758, Abbot, V, 117.

116 Robert Dinwiddie to Thomas Cresap, Jan. 22, 1752, Brock, I, 17-19.

117 Flexner, I, 96

118 Abbot, II, 55.

119 George Washington to William Fairfax, Aug. 11, 1754, Abbot, I, 185.

120 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, Oct. 17, 1755, Abbot, II, 120.

121 Douglas Southall Freeman, George Washington: A Biography, Vol. 1- Young Washington (New York: Charles Scribner's Son's, 1949), 222.

122 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, April 29, 1757, Abbot, IV, 144-145.

123 Charles H. Ambler, George Washington and the West (New York: Russell & Russell, 1936), 121.; Abbot, IV, 156.

124 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, May 16, 1757, Abbot, IV, 154-156.

125 George Washington to William Fairfax, June 25, 1757, Abbot, IV, 260.

126 Merrell, 163-164.

127 Williams, 269-270.

128 Freeman, 265.

129 Flexner, I, 177-181; George Washington to John Robinson, June 10, 1757, Abbot, IV, 199.

130 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, Oct. 19, 1757, Abbot, V, 20.

131 Freeman, 271.

132 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, Nov. 5, 1757, Abbot, V, 45.

133 Flexner, I, 70.

134 George Washington to Adam Stephen, May 18, 1756, Abbot, III, 161-162.

135 Orders of George Washington, Oct. 28, 1756, Abbot, III, 444.

136 Memorandum of George Washington to the officers of the various posts, June 11, 1757, Abbot, IV, 201.

137 George Washington's Orderly Book, Oct. 10, 1758, Abbot, VI, 71-72.

138 Francis Fauquier to George Washington, July 20, 1758, Abbot, V, 303.

€ Bouquet means "Tawny," the color most colonists attributed to the Indians' skin.

139 Henry Bouquet to George Washington, July 14, 1758, Abbot, V, 287.

140 George Washington to Henry Bouquet, July 16, 1758, Abbot, V, 291.

141 Freeman, 242-243.

142 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, Sep. 13, 1756, Abbot, III, 405.

143 Abbot, IV, 8.

144 William Walter Hening, Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of all the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature, in the year 1619, (Richmond: Franklin Press, 1820), VII, 165.

145 George Washington to John St. Clair, May 4, 1758, Abbot, V, 154-155.

146 Henry Bouquet's Answer to George Washington's Queries, June 13, 1758, Abbot, V, 208-209.

147 George Washington's Orderly Book, Nov. 20, 1758, Abbot, VI, 148. The marks were "a red rag at the end of a Pole," and "Single Indians wearing a blue and red badge about their Heads as well as a Yellow one."

148 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, Nov. 24, 1754, Abbot, IV, 31-32.

149 George Washington to John Campbell, the Earl of Loudoun, Jan. 10, 1757, Abbot, IV, 79-90.

150 George Washington to John St. Clair, April 27, 1758, Abbot, V, 148-149.

151 George Washington to John Stanwix, May 28, 1757, Abbot, IV, 168-169.

152 George Washington to John Forbes, Nov. 17, 1758, Abbot, VI, 136.

153 John Robinson to George Washington, Nov. 3, 1757, Abbot, V, 43.

154 Thomas Gage to George Washington, Nov. 25, 1755, Abbot, II, 179.

155 George Washington to John Robinson, Oct. 25, 1757, Abbot, V, 33-34.

156 George Washington to Christopher Gist, October 10, 1755, Abbot, II, 99.

157 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, April 22, 1756, Abbot, III, 34.

158 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, April 27, 1756, Abbot, III, 59.

159 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, Dec. 19, 1756, Abbot, IV, 63-65.

160 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, Dec. 27, 1757, Abbot, IV, 71-72.

161 Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, Dec. 14, 1755, Abbot, II, 213-216.

162 George Washington to Robert Dinwiddie, Jan. 13, 1756, Robert Dinwiddie to George Washington, Jan. 22, 1756, Abbot, II, 278-295.

163 Paul K. Longmore, The Invention of George Washington (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 52.

164 George Washington to Francis Fauquier, Nov. 28, 1758, Abbot, VI, 159.

165 George Washington to Francis Fauquier, Dec. 2, 1758, Abbot, VI, 162.



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